Ghillar Michael Anderson 3 January 2017
We call upon all Peoples to march with us on this day to show that we are not alone when we call for natural justice and that we are not alone in our fight.
This is a fight to correct international wrongdoings and to acknowledge the continuing injustices being perpetrated against our peoples. We must stop the killings and the mental harm being perpetrated against us on a daily basis. We must stop those who steal our children and we must hold accountable all those persons who perpetrate murder and torture against our populations.
As a unified collective we must locate our own solutions. We must put an end to semantics and ideological differences and I call upon those First Nations people, who are employed by the colonial establishment to conspire to assimilate us, to reconsider their positions and to come back to us to learn what this fight is all about. Say No! to Recognise until you understand the real consequence
I call upon those First Nations people and their non-Aboriginal counterparts to come with an open mind and learn why we say: NO! The damage that will be done to our Peoples will be irreversible and your legacies as collaborators will be that you participated in the total destruction of the oldest Peoples and Cultures on the face of this earth. Recognition does no favours for us. It is a poison dart and you, as First Nations people, who work within this colonial system are the darts. I ask: Is this a legacy that you want your children and grandchildren to hide from when you pass on?
The Black Power movement of 1970s was successful beyond our expectations in that we all found common purpose and we were all determined in our resolve to achieve Land Rights with the underlying knowledge that we belong to sovereign Nations, who had, and continue to have, Law, culture, customs, usages and spirituality that connect us to our lands, waters, natural ecosystems and sky, through our allodial title. We have governance under our Law and culture. We continue to hold these beliefs in the Almighty Creator and his Wives.
This is our sovereignty and it has never been given away by cession, nor conquest. We are now claiming all the rights that are inherently ours.
The year 2017 represents the 50th anniversary of the 1967 referendum. This referendum falsely promised to our Old Ones that there would be better days ahead for our Peoples, but the reality was the whiteman held firm to a different agenda, which was directed towards a different outcome. First Nations Peoples need to make themselves aware of the 1969 Aboriginal Affairs policy that was decided in Darwin, where a bipartisan Eleven Point Strategy was decided in respect to the future of Aboriginal people in Australia, namely, Assimilation. The central tenet of this policy was assimilation through absorption into the economic world. Thus we now have Indigenous Business Australia (IBA) and Warren Mundine's First Nations Chamber of Commerce. Jobs, jobs, jobs!
I now find the need to repeat a previous statement about us as a race of Peoples. We are identifiably distinct race of Peoples, different from the invader colonising society. Nowhere in any law, constitutionally or otherwise, were our Peoples ever classified as subjects of the British Crown. We were always, by statute assented by the British monarch, defined as 'aliens'.
Too many people ignore the New South Wales court cases of R v Jack Congo Murrell, 1837; R v Bonjon 1841 and R. v. Ballard or Barrett, 1829. The most significant of these cases was R v Bonjon 1841 when Justice Willis in the Supreme Court of New South Wales ruled:
Aboriginal people remained 'unconquered and free, entitled to be regarded as 'self-governing communities'. Their rights 'as distinct people' could not be considered to have been 'tacitly surrendered'. As they were 'by no means devoid of legal capacity' and had 'laws and usages of their own', 'treaties should be made with them'. The colonists were 'uninvited intruders', the Aborigines 'the native sovereigns of the soil'.
The High Court in Mabo (No. 2) overlooked intentionally or just simply forgot about this ruling. I am more inclined, however, to say that the justices sitting on the full bench, for expedience and convenience, just simply ignored it in order for them to confirm some kind of legitimacy.
Let me remind the people that Sir Robert Menzies had expressed grave concerns about the supposed benefits of the 1967 referendum and I repeat what Menzies said:
I would have thought that the contrary was the fact. Parliament has been given power to make discriminatory laws in relation to the people of any race - special laws which would relate to them and not to other people; laws which would treat them as people who stood outside the normal grasp of the law, enjoying its benefits and sustaining its burdens in common with all other citizens. ... there is a second point about it, and this does concern me. If the Commonwealth, as one of its heads of power under section 51, has the right to pass special laws with respect to the Aboriginal race, I wonder what limitations will be on that separate head of power. Would this enable the Parliament to set up a separate body of industrial laws relating to Aborigines or some other kind of law - health laws, quarantine laws or laws under any of the other powers of the Parliament? It may well be true that it could because, make no mistake about it; this would be a head of power standing not inferior to any other power contained in section 51. That is a matter that requires a great deal of thought.
We must also remind ourselves of what Kim Beasley Snr, MP, Freemantle WA said in Commonwealth Parliament on 1 April 1965:
... but I do suggest that a whole series of discriminatory laws with respect to Aborigines is necessary. We say that we do not intend to discriminate. What rubbish! Aborigines have been occupying land in various parts of Australia since time immemorial. Yet we deny them the slightest entitlement to one square inch of that land and push them off it as soon as anything of value to a European is discovered on it. At the same time, we content ourselves with this mealy mouthed statement that we do not discriminate against Aborigines. I think that, in the sense of material standards, we have almost the worst native policy in the world. I can never join in the righteous denunciations of South Africa that we hear in this House, because, from what I have seen in South Africa, the material conditions of the natives there are immeasurably higher than the material standards of the Aborigines of Australia. There is a case for the Commonwealth Parliament to have power in relation to Aborigines. Those of us who travelled over much of Australia and studied the conditions of Aborigines as members of the Select Committee on Voting Rights of Aborigines realise that anyone who would say that the States have been doing a marvellous job is either very blind or very complacent. I do not want to dwell on the matter any more except to say: For heaven's sake, if we in this Australian Parliament cannot guarantee citizenship, let us accept the fact that our Constitution acknowledges only the status of subjects of the Queen and that, no matter how many acts of Parliament we pass, we cannot reach into the States and create any form of meaningful citizenship. Until placitum (xxvi.) of section 51 of the Constitution is amended, Aborigines can have no effective Australian citizenship.
I therefore ask: What does it take to convince our own people that our sovereignty is well intact and vibrantly real? It is a sovereignty that comes from our own ancient Laws and culture. It does not come from the Westminster parliamentary system and British common law. It has always been here. Our Songlines of the Dreaming Creation and the Songs and Dances that we do on Country are the Law of the Land. Each independent First Nation sings and dances the Stories of their Country. These are not fairytales, nor folklore, as is suggested by the term 'Aboriginal Legendary Tales'. They embody the Law of the Land.
2017 is not a year for us, as a race of people, to engage in useless bantering on the question of 'Recognition'. Recognition was described by Alice Haines in her presentation to the Sovereign Union Gathering. It is a major con, deceit, and a fraud of monumental proportions.
Many of our people understand Aboriginal English and have English as their second, third language. Aboriginal English does not include an understanding of the concepts and principles that underlie the syntax of English language.
Too frequently our innocent people consent to agreements without understanding the true nature and intent of those agreements.
Our Peoples just simply want their sovereign inheritance and the right to be self-determining with our own individual national identities and languages, as distinct Peoples. Our culture is the oldest living on planet earth. To destroy it is more than a crime against humanity, it is a State sanctioned genocide and those responsible have to be held to account, including First Nations collaborators. Treasonous actions such as this make this destruction a reality and those involved must be held to account and the international punishment for treason is death.
We seek unity of a common purpose, not division by any idealogical differences. We have reached the time now in our lives and history when we die by the swing of a sword of the invader society or we stand and fight back against those who seek to oppose us in our endeavours to affirm our independence as self-determining sovereign Nations.
We know that Australia has a population of 22 million non-First Nations people, who are now in occupation of our lands, but if they knew the truth of our sovereign inherent rights and the inhumane atrocities perpetrated against us by the ruthless invaders and the illegal occupiers, their mindsets would refocus their attention on fixing historical and contemporary wrongdoings.
Former Prime Minister, Malcolm Fraser, did acknowledge this need and accepted that sovereignty had not been ceded by any Aboriginal Nation and in this regard worked for a period of five years with the elected Black Parliament, known as the National Aboriginal Conference (NAC) to look at a national framework that would settle these scores once and for all. But along came the Labor party under the leadership of Bob Hawke, who made a great fanfare at Barunga, Northern Territory, of 'we will negotiate a treaty', but the day after he made the statement that he was only talking about a compact, not a treaty under international law.
When we realise that Hawke is a Rhodes scholar, as is Tony Abbott among others, we can understand why their efforts are empty vessels and ring louder than a church bell. These Rhodes Scholars' sole aim is to steal our souls and to assimilate so they gain greater control of our lives and future. When we try to make our aspirations a reality as sovereign Nations and Peoples, the Rhodes scholars' are always there to make their false promises ring like bells, because they are empty vessels.
It is time we put paid to all this falsehood and deceitful fraud.
Come march with us on 26 January 2017 to Government House, Canberra, and be part of an historic act of reclaiming our inherent sovereign rights. We are the oldest living culture on earth.
This is an event for all willing to come and fight or stand with us, but everyone needs to understand that is a major event and it must be understood that everyone must cater for themselves as we are self-determining and we do not have the capacity to be charitable, but we seek good will and support for a just cause.